Authorities Don't Like This Infographic Showing Why Thailand's Royal Insult Law Needs Reform

Note: This article is about exile DJs who produce political programs critical of the current Thai regime and the institution of the monarchy. This means that their programs, and even writing about them, risks running afoul of Article 112 of the Criminal Code. Article 112, sometimes referred to as the “lèse majesté law,” stipulates that “Whoever defames, insults or threatens the King, the Queen, the Heir Apparent or the Regent, shall be punished with imprisonment of three to fifteen years.” The law means that simile and comparison exist alongside direct analysis, both in their programs and in this article. On 13 October 2016, Rama IX, King Bhumibol Adulyadej, died. Shortly after his death, a new crackdown on the exile DJs began. Several notes in [ ] have been added for readers unfamiliar with Thailand or the intricacies of this topic. Those who broadcast with their full names have them included here, while pseudonyms or other chosen names of other exile DJs are used below. 

“....on the day that worries overwhelm you, no matter how painful, our great father, like a mountain, will follow you” 
Suda Rangkupan, one of the exiles of the most interest to the Thai authorities at present, used to have feelings much like the those described in the last lines of the song, “In My Father’s Footsteps.” 
Suda, who once taught linguistics at Thailand’s top university, talked about her experience of studying for her doctorate abroad. She kept a photograph of the king with a droplet of sweat at the edge of his nose on her wall as inspiration to carry her through the thorny and difficult parts of her study. But then she came to a new consciousness through her experience of political struggle. 

After the 2014 coup, a large number of politically active people had to flee abroad, including intellectuals, activists, and ordinary people. The majority fled out of uncertainty about the security of their lives as their previous political actions were in clear opposition to the military state. Some could not bear the loss of freedom after the coup and some were at risk of Article 112 or other national security cases. 
Some of these exiles are in developed countries in Europe, but this accounts for only a very small number. The majority remain in developing countries. Among this group, some have decided to remain relatively near to Thailand in order to struggle close to home. Their weapon of choice is to make clips of political opinion programs and disseminate them via the internet. Somsak 

Jeamteerasakul, a historian and important critic and analyst within the democratic movement, refers to these clips as “underground radio.” This phenomenon grew rapidly after the 22 May 2014 coup when a large number of people truly had to “leave the father’s house” [in which the “father,” as in the song lyric that forms the epigraph to the article, refers to the king]. 

The interpretation of the word “underground” 

It is unclear who was the first to call this phenomenon “underground clips” and “underground radio,” but the exiles give importance to the designation of it as such by Somsak. The majority are not really in favour of it because they view it as derisive, with the exception of Suda, the linguist. 
Suda likes the term and raised the example of Russia Today, an online Russian news outlet, in support of it. Russia Today has a program, “Going Underground,” which takes controversial points and delves deeply into them without concern for whether or not the language used is politically correct. 

“In reality, this word is not a bad one. But some people have made it seem distasteful. They use the words “gang” and “mouthpiece,” which carry an insurgent meaning,” Suda said. 
Nithiwat, or “Pa Jom,” of Fai Yen, a young exile, takes a different stance. His view is that the label “underground” is a way of applying pressure to a group of DJs. He also raised the question of the location of the defining line between underground and aboveground, since every exile has similar freedom to use social media to distribute his/her analysis. 
“Every exile has the liberty to establish his/her own radio station. But some people say that their personal Facebook is aboveground and that of others is underground. The word underground did not arise out of thin air, but is a result of pressure. If this was the Netherlands, Spain, changing the system of rule is not an underground issue. You can speak about it. You can vote on it. But our state will not allow it. This has made a universal issue into an underground one. Today, there are more than 20 YouTube radio stations that are referred to as “underground” on YouTube,” Nithiwat said. 

“Republic”: The key point of convergence 

The exile DJs regularly disseminate their clips in a range of places. The majority establish a YouTube channel, and may use Facebook Live secondarily, and then use Daily Motion and other services sparsely. Many DJs have followers who number from several thousand to many tens of thousands and the websites which have collections of many DJs have view counts in the many hundreds of thousands. 

“After 13 October, many programs discussed and offered analysis on the future of the throne and Thai society and there was an increase in the number of viewers. The number grew from tens of thousands or just over one hundred thousand to three to four hundred thousand per clip. The statistics shot up. They go up and down. The number of viewers does up when there is an important event in Thailand and diminish when things grow quiet. The number rises with repression as well. When the Thai government engages in harsh suppression, the YouTube count may be reduced, but there is an increase in mp3 listeners. Another factor is that if we talk about other issues [than the monarchy], because sometimes we want to talk about other things, fewer people are interested and the number of viewers will only be in the low tens of thousands. But if we talk about the institution of the monarchy, then the viewer count will go up and the clip will be shared many times,” DJ Teeto, a young male exile who produces a show along with Surachai Sae Dan, explained. 
The exile DJs come from different backgrounds and possess different kinds of intensity of expression. Some are politicians, such as Sunai Chulpongsatorn and Charupong Ruangsuwan. Some are analysts or orators, such as Dr. Piangdin Rakthai, Dr. Sukit Sap-aneksanth, Yut LA, Anek SanFran, Pa (Aunty) Ning DK, and Nan Belgium. Some are liberal activists, such as Fai Yen, which has many members, and DJ Teeto [Within this context, “liberal” refers to a collection of views that supports freedom of thought, freedom of speech and human rights]. Some are members of the old left who had experience with the Communist Party of Thailand (CPT), such as Lung (Uncle) Sanam Luang, Surachai Sae Dan, Sahai (Comrade) Yangblad, Sahai Sattha, Sahai 112, and others. Some are former academics or intellectuals, such as Suda Rangkupan and Junya Yimprasert. Some are red shirt leaders and some have a more radical pathway than others, such as Ko Tee, Chupong Teetuan, and others. 

However, nearly all exile DJs share an analytic and critical perspective that the institution of the monarch has a long-standing important role in Thai politics and is the nucleus of the problem of consolidating democracy. They all also share the view that the solution may be in a republican regime. 

Due to the use of Article 112, which limits free speech, examining the word “republic” in the context of Thai society is very different from examining it elsewhere. Discussion of ideas about different regimes and forms of governance is strictly forbidden because it tends to infringe upon the institution of the monarchy, which is respected and worshipped as the pinnace of the state, in one way or another. It does not matter that 147 out of 206 countries around the world are republics. In countries in which democracy is secure and firmly-rooted, it is an ordinary matter for citizens to raise ideas far to the left or right. The majority of Thai exiles share this perspective and support the idea of a republic, and attempt to maintain that it is their freedom of expression to propose this idea. 

“The mechanism of determining the political direction of a country should allow for the people to have the right to propose any type of regime. This is freedom of thought. I have confidence in the system of proportional representation. You could use such a mechanism, no matter your viewpoint, to raise the issue in parliament of what direction Thailand should take. The idea in which we believe may not win out in parliament. But this would at least allow for the free expression of thought. I can accept and get behind this,” Junya Yimprasert, a former labour NGO worker who is in exile in Europe, said. 

Many exile DJs say that Suda Rangkupan was the one to use the word and make the proposal. Prior to that, during the initial programs broadcast during the first period after fleeing, the exiles only intended to oppose the military-monarchy regime. No one proposed a clear or precise endpoint. 

“Some may say that it is an extreme or radical proposal, but this is the most peaceful one out there. Otherwise, there will be no resolution to the problems in Thailand. Think about the compromises that have taken place – they [those in power] have lost nothing. Do the deaths of the people matter? If the institution agrees to adapt itself, they will sacrifice little. In the end, perhaps it will be the Japanese or English model. It will be a negotiation. I talk about this issue as an option and provide information to the people of what and how other countries have done. I go as far I have thought when I broadcast. If I die, I will not regret it,” Suda said. 

“Why do you propose a federated state, a republic? I maintain that this issue is ordinary. It is everyone’s freedom of speech [to make this assertion]. The endpoint of all of the exiles may be close, but the methods are different. We argue on air with each other, we argue vigorously with each other,” Nithiwat said. 

“Some people say compromise like Japan. This was proposed a long time ago. The People’s Party [the military and civilian coalition that fomented the transformation from absolute to constitutional monarchy in 1932] proposed it: a king under the constitution and the law. And what of it? Every day, things regress even further. They have regressed to before Rama VII and even Rama V. They want more prostration than before. They don’t compromise. Good people are all stuck in jail … Thaksin accepted it all, even his asserts being seized. If Yingluck goes to jail, no one will help her. Let the whole family go to jail, no one will help them. Therefore, we have to awaken people to move past their fear. We have to awaken them so that they know that they are the owners of the revolution. They are the ones who face hardship, not Thaksin. Thaksin is long gone,” Lung Sanam Luang said. 

The driving out and oppression of those who think differently 

As stated, the exiles all have different origins, personalities, and fundamental ideas. For certain, they fight all the time, even when they are on air, such as Lung Sanam Luang versus Fai Yen. 

Lung Sanam Luang is part of the old left who fled in large numbers beginning in 2009 following the issuance of arrest warrants for criticizing the institution of the monarchy. As a young man, he was involved in the struggle with the Communist Party of Thailand (CPT) and lost many of his friends in the jungle. After 66/2523 [a prime ministerial order which provided an amnesty for those who joined the CPT] was issued, he studied, worked, and had a family and a secure 

position. But after the 2006 coup, he was pulled into political action once again as a political analyst and orator. Then, a warrant was for his arrest was issued in an Article 112 case and he had to flee outside the country and live far from his family and society. This further pushed him to fully dedicate his life to the transformation of the country. 

“I was alone for many years until suddenly the National Council for Peace and Order (NCPO) sent many additional exiles. I count this as my very good luck. The youth have taught me a great deal about technology and now I can edit clips, upload clips, and make simple pictures on my own. Before this, I only wrote a blog. My work continues. I can at least provoke people. People threaten me, but I am not afraid at all. At the most, if I am killed, then I can rest. We have a duty to awaken and encourage people, not be mouthpieces to make them more afraid. All of us are afraid. But what do we gain from being afraid? Do we survive for another day by being afraid? If everyone is courageous, then everyone will survive. If everyone is afraid, then we will all die,” Lung Sanam Luang said. 

“We may seem as if we are setting out in a direction that may be wrong, but I think that we must be faithful to our ideas,” Lung Sanam Luang said. 

In contrast, Fai Yen are young men of the present generation who were impacted by the 2014 coup. They came to work at random with Lung Sanam Luang. They are liberals who like to debate and do not want a radical transformation wrought by violence. All they want is a society with a strong democracy and respect for human rights. 

“Me personally, I believe in the path of a federation of states with or without a monarchy. If they adapted to the times, then they could coexist with the people. I simply ask for them to fight within the system and respect human rights. The old left says that we are fanciful. But in an era of transition like this, nothing is for certain. I don’t know at all who is right and who is wrong,” Nithiwat said. 

“I argue all the time (on the program) with the young people. People who know them call and criticize me. Do you have to argue with the youth? They feel sorry for them. I am too harsh in my criticism. Another person said that they worry about me. Have I taken my blood pressure yet? Another person said, watch out, if the youth get angry, they will put out poison for you (laughs). We argue to the death on the program. They accuse me of being a dictator who doesn’t listen to anyone else. One time after the program was finished, I said that I would not broadcast with them anymore. They still were not done talking. Why do they have to contradict me about everything? 

Don't give it so much thought, they said. And then we decided what points to raise for the next tape (laughs). Look at that,” Lung Sanam Luang said. 

“Actually, they are lazy. But they call it liberalism. They respect difference so much that they cannot do anything. But no matter. I will slowly discipline them. At least they have a strong will in themselves. I myself have to be open. I have to try to learn from the youth. I myself try to be an instigator, and I don’t have to come first. I could use my age and win without having to argue,” Lung Sanam Luang said. 

“I don’t know what to say about it. They emphasize debate. They debate every issue. Once there was a gigantic lord. One day he came upon a cockroach and ran screaming. He jumped up onto a chair and called for someone to come catch it. And the state hunted after these people,” a former comrade with experience as a fighter with the CPT said with good-humor. 
Those who have chosen to struggle by expressing their political opinions online are not only those who possess a firm stance, but include a number of youth who met with a “mishap” in their lives that forced them into exile, or they were hunted down on social media and then had to go into exile. All one person did was create a political parody song called “The soulful red bucket” [Small buckets are used during Songkran, Thai Buddhist New Year, for pouring water on friends and relatives. During Songkran in 2016, red buckets were banned due to the perceived anti-government symbolism of the color.] Another person only posted a picture of himself holding up three fingers following the death of Rama IX. His address and parents’ workplaces were circulated in public and he no longer felt safe after a large number of his school friends threatened him. He felt as though his life was in danger and so went into exile in a developing country. Originally, he did not hold any radical political ideas and simply disliked injustice and double standards. But the difficult life in exile caused him to decide to make underground radio and to criticize the institution of the monarchy openly. He makes a living from the advertisements in the clips and also uses the clips as a way to maintain his worth and the value of freedom. He does so even though the cost is that he cannot go home. However, at heart, he hopes to be able to go into exile in a developed country and continue his studies. But this is no easy matter. He faces a predicament of “cannot go back, cannot move forward.” 

Profanity, hate speech, fabrication and violence 

The exiles are often questioned about information that cannot be confirmed, or what is called “fabrication,” especially by Somsak Jeamteerasakul. None of the exiles analyze the politics of the throne in the same way. They question and even attack each other often. Some people believe in the new king, some people do not. Some people believe that there is conflict inside the palace, some people say that there is none. 

“If you ask, are the masses confused? They are confused for certain. They are confused because they live in a state which does not allow them to have freedom of thought. But when you have freedom, it often means you do not have unity. This is an ordinary,” Nithiwat offered his opinion. 

“I will say that we speak directly with one another. But after we have a discussion, everyone remains the same. The politicians are politicians like before. People who to go at it with guns blazing, want to do so even more than before. No one is willing to accept any new ideas. There are attempts to lobby me to say this and to say that. I have no interest. I am only interested in the main point. Here, everyone has a different analysis. But that’s fine. The people should come together and crystallize. They have been fighting for ten years already. Freedom is what we are releasing. It seems like the people already want transformation – they can decide what they want,” Lung Sanam Luang said. He maintains that he has a high-ranking civil servant source who provides him with deep information. After various events, he found that nearly all of the information turned out to be true. He therefore has a lot of faith in his source. 

“We have to call them short-term and long-term strategies. Wanting to change the form of the regime is a long-term strategy. If you ask if it can be done anytime soon? Where are we going to get the intellect to do it? We therefore have to have short-term strategies. We have to choose to support people who have good relations with the people. We can still negotiate. And they have a lot of weak points. This is a good thing for the side of the people,” Surachai said. 

“Pheu Thai is reformist, not revolutionary. They went halfway and we are going to go all the way to the end. They were going to go to Nakhon Sawan and I will go to Chiang Mai. I think this is not in contradiction. Reform is improvement and repair. Revolution is dismantling and building anew. The structure in Thailand has to change. Reformers should not oppose revolutionaries. And revolutionaries in turn should not view reformers as enemies,” Surachai said. 

He continued and noted that, “Where in the world is there a struggle in which everyone thinks identically? There must be struggles over ways of thinking among those on the same side as well.” 

One might think that Suda, as an academic and someone accustomed to middle-class manners, might not accept the use of profanity and hate speech. But she has an explanation for why she feels differently. On the issue of hate speech, she thinks that no one has defined it well enough yet. For her, the speech must be accompanied by violence or clearly lead to violence. If speech insults gender, physical defects or race, this is only politically incorrect and an instance of linguistic violence. In truth, she disagrees with many of the words that some exiles use to attack the ruling class, especially those that are insensitive to disability and sexuality. But this is a difficult matter to resolve. This language is a way of communicating with the lower classes and time must be used in creating understanding and transformation. She does not push those who use this language away based on the standards of the middle-class. 

She views profanity as a matter of class-based words. Up until now, the language of the lower classes has been pushed underground. Using the words gu-mung [one of the ways of saying I-you in Thai] has been cast as being profanity by the middle-class. Profanity is a way of creating linguistic violence, but linguistic violence does not have to be profanity. For example, the use of the word “those underground people,” is not profanity, but it is contemptuous and is a form of linguistic violence. Her view is that the decision to use profanity by the DJs is an intentional one to fight back against a much, much bigger power. 
“They deliberately use profanity as a tool to fight against the power of the king. You have treated the people as worse than animals, and therefore, they will do the same to you,” Suda said. 

“If they always use polite language, they will be unable to display emotion. It is pragmatic to know how you have to speak. Being linguistically concise and succinct and having awareness of the meaning of the words that one uses is a skill. Academics are a group that use a lot of terminology. We can see that sometimes the words used by ordinary people are not in line with the definitions of academics. One aspect of the communication of this movement is the provision of knowledge and another part is using sarcasm in order to fight a war of nerves with the enemy. This is communication in the service of struggle. Even though I myself am accustomed to being an academic, I have relaxed my rigour with language by and by in order to reach the listeners,” Suda said. 

“I am careful with profanity. If it slips out, I always apologize. It's already there is the language that ordinary people use. If you are in the media, perhaps you cannot use it at all. People say that you cannot use the phrase “you are a pussy.” I have long-explained that the meaning implies not fighting back, because the majority of female animals do not fight back, in contrast to male animals. For example, fighting fish, fighting cocks, and bulls. All it means is that one does not fight back. That’s all. It is not looking down on women. There are a lot of women who are gangsters. This is how ordinary people speak. I am not hard-line about this issue. People are sensitive about words these days. You cannot call someone a fag or homo. You cannot identify someone on the basis of their disability, but I do because everyone understands whom I am talking about. We are going to live or die by these words. Sometimes, I have to apologize. I do not want to disparage them. But they robbed me of my power. Sometimes the words slip out,” Lung Sanam Luang said. 

Simultaneously, Nithiwat, a member of the present generation, holds the view that, “Obscenity is one kind of free speech. But I choose not to use it because I have no need to use it. For those who use it, it is their right to do so. Dirty words used in emotion is an ordinary part of being human. But if one is going to attack or dehumanize ordinary people or those whose rights are not protected by the state … this is something with which I do not agree. This risks violence against them. This I oppose. But if it is Kim North Korea, swearing that Kim is less than human is fine. This is because Kim has been lifted up to be the greatest of great gods. This is the free speech of a person oppressed by the system. This is completely biased, I realize.” 

Depending on the character of each individual exile DJ, they may stay within the confines of politeness or use some profanity. Some excel in discussing particular topics or using satire or humor. But several intermittently speak with anger and in the vein of instigating violence, such as saying that the people should prepare and assemble weapons, assassinate high-ranking soldiers, etc. However, it is worth noting that although these words are spoken with extreme rage, neither is the precise action called for clear nor is there continuity in the explanation of proposed means. This inconsistency and lack of clarity mays that is it is unclear if what these DJs is proposing is the use of armed force or the force of intellect. 
Nearly all exiles do not really agree with the use of armed violence, but no one blocks the hard-core exiles from being part of the circle. The old leftists who experienced the actual battlefields of struggle during the Cold War hold the view that “politics must lead the military [tactics].” But they do not refuse the approach of violence as completely out of hand, as long as there is preparation for fighting back when there is violence of the slaughter of those who think differently. This way of thinking may perhaps influence the youth exiles whose entire lives have been spent far from violence. 

“There are those who talk about taking up arms because they have not seen that the world has changed already. But this is one path, and it should perhaps not be completely dismissed. In the process of negotiating a transition, one needs politicians, citizens, and armed forces. We have all of these, because they have all of these as well. But many people are centrists and may not accept the path of using violence. Nonetheless, those who propose the use of violence are popular too. Many tens of thousands listen. This is because they have experience being on the receiving end of the idea of an eye for an eye, a tooth for a tooth. This proposal first arose after the harsh crackdown in 2010 and the resentment that followed. Thinking [in the movement] fragmented. Some people no longer wanted anything to do with peaceful means. Their friends died and no one was punished,” Teeto said. 

“It is like the old left that took up arms to fight with the state in order to change the regime into one that they believed would be better. If the Thai state has suppressed the people to the degree that they can no longer withstand it, then rising up and fighting is not a crime. But I personally do not agree with the use of violence, at all, and try all the time to create peaceful transformation. Even though I am in exile, I disagree and debate with fellow exiles who believe in violence about whether or not it is really possible. I don’t want there to be any losses, for any side. But they always come back with the response that the side that chooses for there to be losses is not the one of the victims. Radio programs along these lines are common. Wherever there is oppression, there will be people who yearn for transformation and imagine fighting back. This is the free speech of the oppressed. It's the same as the leftists, Communists, and students who took up arms. Was it wrong? If you think it was wrong, then it was wrong. If you think it was right, then it was right. It depends on where you stand. Those who decided to use violence were those who had once loved peace. But they were attacked until they no longer had the status of being citizens in their own 
homeland. But not a lot of radio is in this vein. And in truth, I do not see the possibility that they will really do it. I think that it is one way of releasing emotion that has been suppressed,” Nithiwat commented. 

The popularity and pipeline of nutrients transported via modern technology 
Making program clips is not a laughing matter and is not a hobby. Instead, making clips is way for active citizens unable to participate in politics in their own countries to affirm their value and join the struggle. Each person has 3-4 programs per week, so they use many days each week in production. They come up with the concepts and make concrete plans for the programs. They spend nearly all day analysing the political situation and think about the topics each person will discuss in the next recording. 

“I am very frustrated and depressed. All they do is talk about politics and argue about nearly every topic. I am simply an ordinary teenager who has begun to be interested in politics and am not obsessed with politics to that degree.” A 19-year-old exile once commented in an interview about the atmosphere in the house where he lives with the earnest exile DJs. 
“I am the least articulate person in the group. I do not have my own program but intermittently join my friends’ programs. I have to do a lot of preparation and search for a lot of information. I have to study and clarify my thoughts before speaking.” A supremely nerdy exile who wears thick glasses talked about his experience of being on programs. His friends in the house laugh and joke that he is currently reading the Ramayana and in six months, when he has finished it, he will produce a radio program about it. 

Example of the program schedule of Fai Yen and Lung Sanam Luang 

Weekend Programs of Fai Yen Meets Lung Sanam Luang 

“Previously, the program was Fai Yen Meets the People. When we started we had a few more than ten listeners. We changed it to be with me [Lung Sanam Luang] around the beginning of this year. Last night, we had more than 2000 listeners. And Ajarn Wan [Suda Rangkupan] and Yammy joined at the beginning of the program. Together, we have no fewer than 4000-5000 listeners who listen live. The program is on at around 10 p.m. and for the first two segments, I speak, and then in the third segment, Fai Yen performs music. Somsak Jeamteerasakul often calls in,” Lung Sanam Luang said.
 
Monday: Program of Three Comrades Far From Worries [the name references the royal palace in Hua Hin, Far From Worries Palace] 

“It includes me, Sahai Yangblad, Sahai Sattha, and sometimes Sahai 112 joins in too. We discuss various principles of framework and policy. People like to ask is how are going to struggle? We have to propose principles and philosophy and then let them go apply them. We cannot provide them with readymade methods. This is not a package of Mama [Thai instant noodles]. We just started a 3-4 months ago. People listen live. At first it was in the hundreds and now it is more than one thousand. When they don’t block us, for several days we had 30,000 listeners. But when they block the Fai Yen channel in Thailand, then people cannot listen line. So then we upload it to other channels instead,” said Lung Sanam Luang. 
Tuesday: The Rotten Stories of the Thai Royalty 

“I produce it with Yammy,” said Sanam Luang. 

Thursday: A New Program -- Three Comrades Troubleshoot Problems 
“This will be a program in which anyone can call in and ask about any problem. Even the ISOC [Internal Security Operations Command, Thai government surveillance organization]. Really. This program aims to lead to participation from the people,” Lung Sanam Luang said. 
“With the remaining time, I sit and make clips of live conversation and upload them to YouTube for income. Each time we produce a program, it includes approximately 6 clips, with each clip approximately 15-20 minutes. I edit out the obscenities because some of the listeners will not accept it,” said Lung Sanam Luang. 

The Fai Yen station is also open for use by other exiles to distribute their programs. Nithiwat said that during the first period, they had tens of viewers and then it grew to tens of thousands and the channel has been blocked in Thailand. He said that, 

“The Fai Yen station has approximately 17,000 subscribers. You have to understand that the Fai Yen channel is separate from Fai Yen the music band. The band writes and performs music. But the channel gives exiles the space to make noise. Anyone who wants to come as an invited guest or have a program can do so. You could say that the station is a space of free speech for the exiles. Whatever you think, you can say it. Even if we disagree. Forget about whether or not we share the same approach. But you must accept criticism of your stance. We stick to the principle that they have had their humanity and their dignity destroyed and all we do is restore their humanity to them. We let them think freely. It is a form of healing for them. All of this has an impact on one’s mind and heart.” Nithiwat said. 

In addition to the benefit to the struggle, the “underground clips” brings in income that supports the living expenses of exiles in the foreign countries in which they live. This income means that they have the time to make the clips and do not have to struggle and make a living in another way, which is difficult in the countries in which they live. For certain, a not insignificant number of exiles do not make these clips but attempt to find other ways of making a living for various reasons. The primary one is that they do not view the clips as being beneficial in the struggle and further view them as something that carries risk. 
The income from making clips comes from the advertisement system of YouTube. To give an example, in some periods Lung Sanam Luang has made between one and two hundred thousand baht. He is a long-time political analyst who used to write a blog (“Sanam Luang 2008”) with hundreds of articles on it and has a significant fan base. His total blog viewer count is approximately 6 million. Then, with the technological assistance of Fai Yen, he began to make clips with the youth. They set up the Fai Yen station and have become very popular. Lung Sanam Luang is an old leftist who does not disavow capitalism. He allows the full amount of advertisement. The periods in which his advertising income has peaked were those during the station’s first year before it was vigorously blocked. 

Risk and the blocking of the stations 

“YouTube and other social networks in Thailand take on the local dictatorial law, such as Article 112. Therefore, when people report or raise an issue that a station should be closed or a clip blocked, YouTube does it without examining whether or not the law violates human rights. This results in the station being banned only in Thailand. But period can still view the channel through a proxy. The Thai government also uses cyber-armies to launch attacks to create problems with the transmission, including attacking while we are on air. Both the channel and individual clips have been blocked. Or in some cases, they are not blocked but YouTube will not allow advertisements. We are not afraid of being blocked. We can still find ways to disseminate the clips. But the income sustains the members of the channel. In terms of dissemination, people take the clips and then distribute them, sometimes up to in 20 different places. They simply change the title or the picture to make the clip appear softer. I don’t know who these people are, but they also receive income from the advertisements. It’s like a game of catch me if you can,” Nithiwat said. 

Surachai Sae Dan’s program, “Revolution Thailand” is broadcast twice a week. His station has never been blocked, but a fair number of individual clips have been blocked after the fact. DJ Teeto explained that this is probably because Surachai does not allow advertisement. He does not want to be criticized as making clips in order to generate personal income. With advertising, it is more difficult for the authorities to shut down the station. 

With regards to online attacks, DJ Teeto explained that, “They use the method of attacking the transmission, which leads to the channel cutting out while we are in air. Simultaneously, for viewers in Thailand, the seal of the Ministry of Information and Communication Technology and the message that the content is inappropriate comes up on the screen. We have come up against this many times. Even those in foreign countries cannot view the show, because we broadcast live. This happens a great deal – about half the time since 2015. We broadcast at 8 pm on Tuesdays and Thursdays. Subsequently, we used the method of broadcasting a day later. We do not announce beforehand which day we are going to broadcast. We broadcast our usual content and they cannot attack in time to make the program falter. There is no reduction in listeners, because they listen live. During the period after the king’s death, many clips were eliminated, including more than 1000 of Ajarn Wan’s clips.” 

Suda Rangkupan’s channel after she was no longer allowed to have advertisements 
Statistics of Ajarn Wan’s Media Force Channel Since 2014 

YouTube noted that Suda had a clip that violated the community guidelines and her station was suspended for 3 months 

With regards to blocking, Suda noted that her understanding is that the military likely has a legal wing that submits complaints with URLs and the explanation of how the link violates Thai law to Google headquarters. But this far, the actual blocking takes place very slowly. Clips are out for 3-4 months before they can be blocked. The authorities have only begun doing it more systematically and quickly in the past few months. The authorities have grown very efficient, and YouTube now has an office in Thailand. 

There is nothing odd about the fact that people like Suda are very much wanted by the Thai state. This is because within the universe of the “underground radio” of the exiles, no matter whether they are in developed or developing countries, no matter their views, nearly all of them have been on Suda’s station. Her station can be viewed as a major port that takes clips from various channels and individuals and reruns them constantly. She has a host channel that has four sub-channels. In addition, her station carries live broadcasts of seminars on Thai politics or various political activities that take place in foreign countries. She learned how to do all of the technological parts of production by searching and reading English-language online manuals that are online. 
“She does it all herself. My understanding is that this is all that she does from when she wakes up. All the time,” one exile observed. 

Suda said that after the news of the death of Rama IX, there was much harsher suppression. The button allowing advertisement abruptly could not be used. Two out of her four stations were suspended for three months. YouTube said that the reason was that they violated the community guidelines. 

Even further, amidst the news of the threats by the Thai state that they were coordinating with various countries in order to bring the politically-active exiles back to be prosecuted in Thailand, the houses of those who had contacted her happened with no warning signs. They were detained and materials and objects thought to be illegal were seized for examination, along with the release of news that there might be Article 112 prosecutions as well. The hardship and difficulty that this caused for people she knew and was close to caused her decide to cease her role. She decided not to use the channels of online communication, at least for a period of some months. 

Simultaneously, the Thai Minister of Defense and the Minister of Defense in the country that has a lot of exile DJs have created a kind of unofficial cooperation. The Thai authorities has “requested” for that country to ensure that the exile DJs cease their programs that insult the institution. This threat is not a new one, but is one that has come sporadically since the beginning of the broadcast of the programs. The exiles are stubborn and continue making their programs. But this time is different. Surachai said he would cease for 3 months. Lung Sanam Luang and Fai Yen, which is a significant unit because they host many different exile programs, have temporarily ceased broadcasting. 

Re: Suspension of broadcasting Dear subscribers and listeners around the world, As the situation inside and outside the country is uncertain in many ways, the station will 
suspend broadcasting until the situation improves. The station bows to the good wishes of every side and will suspend all of the programs until the situation returns to normal. This is for the security, safety and comfort of everyone.

Announced on 19 November at 3 p.m. 

Simultaneously, a report in Khom Chad Luk newspaper noted that, “On 16 November 2016, a representative of the Department of Police on the left side [Laos] summoned the underground reds for discussion and requested that they cease broadcasting via YouTube. If they do not comply, they will be deported for prosecution in Thailand.” In addition, there has been intermittent news that a “special forces unit” has crossed the Mekhong River. Fai Yen was warned to “be on alert” to move houses at all times. 

“The people like what we say because they feel cramped. It is not that we are clever, but what we say provides them a way to release the things that they cannot say. We may not win, but do not allow your heart to become dejected. We simply raise morale and offer encouragement. This is all I can do. If you do not fight, then you cannot win. All I can do is speak and speak and speak, until the last person can speak,” Lung Sanam Luang commented shortly before the insecure situation arose. 
It remains unclear how the new attack and chase will ease up. Will there continue to be a space for ideas that are seen as extreme in Thai society? Will the lives of the not insignificant number of exiles who have settled down to use their voices and ideas to struggle remain safe? Will they continue be able to find value in their lives by struggling in this way for their ideal society? … sometimes even Dylan’s breeze is unable to provide us with an answer. 
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